Showing posts with label Tory Party Conference. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Tory Party Conference. Show all posts

Thursday, October 06, 2011

Room at the top

The empty rhetoric that was David Cameron’s speech to the Tory Party conference speaks volumes about the dire state of the governing political class in Britain (and elsewhere) just as the global economy heads for the cliff.

Cameron and other Tories like chancellor George Osborne can criticise the inaction by eurozone governments over the sovereign debt crisis. But their own “leadership” amounts to no more than a call for the British to show some wartime spirit and create a “can-do” society.

As it has been noted elsewhere, patriotism is the last refuge of the scoundrel. Cameron’s bugle call to arms was delivered by a former (?) PR man in charge of a cobbled-together, weak government caught in the headlights of an historic crisis.

His claim to be a one-nation Tory is, of course, a sick joke. The term originates with Disraeli in the 19th century when British imperialism ruled large parts of the world and could afford to dispense some crumbs from the top table. It was also a feature of the post-1945 Tory governments which accepted the creation of a welfare state.

Since corporate-driven globalisation accelerated from the early 1980s, no government – neither Tory nor New Labour – has practised “one-nation” politics. Instead, politicians have extolled the market, deregulated the banks, rolled back the state, cut welfare, targeted the poor, privatised key services and utilities and introduced competition in health and education.

The budget crisis that propelled the ConDem coalition into existence has been offloaded onto public sector workers and service users. Tens of thousands have lost their jobs and are now fighting to keep their pension rights.

Standards of living have fallen dramatically as real purchasing power has slumped. Household spending on essentials has fallen to its lowest level in almost a decade as they struggle to meet fuel bills and the rising cost of food. A survey has found that another 11.5 million homes, around half, were in danger of sinking into debt along with large chunks of the population who are already.

Of course, you wouldn’t expect the Tories to do anything other than what they are doing. But the nervousness they exhibit over the potential impact of a eurozone crisis on the enfeebled British economy raises question as to whether they could cope in a full-blown crisis. Slick, motivational speeches without content that are Cameron’s forté will not cut the mustard.

The inability of the ruling classes to take measures to deal with the economic and financial crisis and restore the growth that capitalism depends on, is significant. It is apparent throughout Europe and in the United States and is due to a number of factors.

First, the forces at play – financial markets, global banks etc – are to a large extent immune to the actions of governments and agencies. For example, the sums involved in currency speculation each day are so vast that central banks, even working in concert, cannot buck the market.

Secondly, the crisis has gathered a momentum of its own. Once started, the “deleveraging” process that involves debt reduction and writing down of assets is impossible to stop. That is why the global economy is contracting. The bark of the British bulldog is lost in the noise of the crash.

Unfortunately, the crisis of leadership at the top does not equate automatically to a favourable outcome. The ruling class has other options, including national governments and states of emergency. In Greece, where society is close to break down as a result of spending cuts, the military is making threatening noises.

Nevertheless, the ruling elites have patently lost their confidence and popular support. It’s a once-in-a-lifetime opportunity for the mass of the people to put them out of power and begin to revolutionise society in a progressive way. That can’t and won’t happen spontaneously. To succeed, we will need to create a leadership of our own.

Paul Feldman

Communications editor

Monday, October 04, 2010

Capitalism's crisis dictates the cuts

As the coalition begins to unveil its public spending cuts, the muddle-headed idea that they are simply “ideologically driven” remains fashionable, especially among those who think protest will produce a government U-turn.

It was the central theme of yesterday’s Right to Work march against the cuts in Birmingham, where the Tory Party conference is taking place. The notion is also at the heart of November’s Coalition of Resistance conference planned for London. Even trade union leaders like the RMT’s Bob Crow – a rarity as someone who puts his money where his mouth is when it comes to actually fighting back – holds this point of view.

The Labourites hedge their bets as they would surely be making cuts themselves if they had been re-elected. They accuse the Lib-Con coalition of wanting to “shrink the state” to benefit big business. (This is a bit rich coming from a party that created £90 billion in contracts for the private sector when in power in “partnership” projects).

There is an inconvenient truth that’s missing from all these viewpoints. It’s summed up just two words – capitalist crisis. The budget deficit crisis which is affecting every major economy, has its origins in the end of the speculative boom in 2007.

The recession that followed the global financial collapse exploded the myth that government deficits could be repaid out of the proceeds of a continuously growing economy. A sharp decline in private and corporate tax revenues ensued, whilst demands for social support like unemployment pay, housing benefits and pensions have grown.

In Britain, the budget deficit reached £162 billion in 2009-10. At 11% of national income (GDP), it is the highest of the group of 20 leading capitalist economies. The national debt - all the previous budget deficits added together - has reached £1 trillion (or £1,000 billion – three times the level of 2001) – equivalent to almost two-thirds of GDP.

Interest payments on the loans that fund the debt are expected to rise to £70 billion a year and could reach £100 billion a year. An estimated £110 billion of the national debt is the result of buying up Northern Rock and other failing banks. A report by the New Economics Foundation suggests further bail-outs are on the way.

Budget deficits are a global phenomenon which are themselves part of a wider financial and economic crisis. In the United States, total national debt is about $13 trillion dollars and rising and is over 92% of the country’s annual income. It is forecast to soar by another $10 trillion between 2011 and 2020. Those who call for “investment not cuts” should be aware that Obama’s administration has failed to revive the US economy with just such a programme.

The global capitalist economy is heading for a depression, according to the International Monetary Fund while others show that the "recovery”, such as it was, is over.

The coalition like all capitalist governments is caught in a vice. They have to cut the deficit to appease the financial markets and prevent state bankruptcy. Yet every cut takes money out of the economy and deepens the crisis. This is a graphic example of capitalism at its most self-destructive.

Rather than capitalist governments being in control and having an “ideological” choice, their actions are severely limited by circumstances. As Steve Barrow, Standard Bank, quoted in the Financial Times (June 28, 2010) said: "It might seem that these things [elections/strikes] don't matter too much as it's the financial markets that have the power to dictate to governments and so bring about change, not the unions and the electorate.''

General strikes in Spain, Greece, France and Italy have failed to halt the cuts because it’s the system itself that’s in crisis. Suggesting otherwise is to let the coalition and capitalism off the hook when we should be preparing a strategy to bring the government down and lay the foundations for a transfer of economic, financial and political power away from the ruling classes.

Paul Feldman
Communications editor

Friday, September 10, 2010

Breaking out of the circle

“We are alarmed to be informed that, despite earlier agreements with the Police and Birmingham City Council, West Midlands Police are attempting to stop the trade union demonstration against public service cuts from marching past the Conservative Party conference at the International Convention Centre on Sunday 3rd October... "

So begins a petition to West Midlands Police appealing to them to restore the rights of trade unionists and others to demonstrate outside the Tory party conference in October. It is not even a protest for the right to protest, it is simply a polite "ask" of the police to restore that which they had no right to remove in the first place.

There is a kind of circular logic to the whole "rights" question. Because really what are rights? Do we have a birthright to these rights and if so, then logic would seem to suggest that they cannot be removed no matter what arguments the police "in the interests of public order etc" and the state authorities make. If that route is taken, then that should be the end of the matter - our rights are inalienable.

But the dismayed tone of this letter suggests that the signatories to the document, who include Labour MPs and trade unionists and left-wing film director Ken Loach, do not viscerally believe in that idea. These members and supporters of the Right to Work campaign, good people though they undoubtedly are, are taking an underwhelming approach to this very serious issue.

There are in fact two issues here. First: what can people who are aiming to demonstrate against this government's austerity measures hope to achieve? The senior partner in the coalition is not going to return to Westminster convinced of the error of its ways - the protests will make no difference whatever in that regard. Second: what will they do if the 'right to protest' is not magnanimously restored, meekly acquiesce? Hopefully not. It would actually be uncharacteristic of them, going on past form, because back in February this year members stormed the Conservative Party Spring Conference in Brighton. Unquestionably a militant action!

They have also given support to workers in dispute, including building solidarity with the BA cabin crews and Royal Mail workers, for instance. Now however the ground seems to be shifting for some reason. Perhaps it's because they wish to appeal to a wider section of the population who might be frightened off by 'militancy' or 'direct action'? Probably not a worry the campaigners need entertain, given the level of dissatisfaction and anger out there. So, given that they have planned to protest, that is, they have decided that 'doing something', even if that something achieves not much at all, is better than 'doing nothing' they really ought to follow through and not be derailed by some sort of liberal respect for the forces of law and order, when quite obviously those very forces are intent on simply protecting 'our rulers' from any uncomfortable experiences.

Given that the supporters include the likes of Ed Balls and Diane Abbott, perhaps it's not too surprising that the Right to Work campaign is leaning towards respectability, at least in its public face. Having Labour Party leader hopefuls on board amounts to a kind of co-option, or at least the danger of it, they might after all be the government again one day!

Whatever the outcome of the Right to Work's little dispute with the police and however they resolve it if the answer is No, there will be protesters from various other groups outside the ICC on 3rd. October. Members of the IWW for example are planning to march along with a militant workers bloc and things may get lively!

This brings us back in suitably circular fashion to the basic question of what constitutes 'rights' and how far can we go in the exercise of them. Just applying peaceful pressure perhaps? http://www.abouthumanrights.co.uk/human-rights-your-rights-protest.html Or are there other courses of action such as working for People’s Assemblies, that we claim, assert and utilise, come what may?

Fiona Harrington
A World to Win