Promoting his new book, former US vice-president Al Gore says that
the country’s democracy has been “hacked” by corporate interests. Well, despite
hacking being deemed a criminal offence, no arrests appear imminent when it
comes to big business.
Hacktivists, however, are routinely arrested because they
are taking action against the system. Nevertheless Gore, who made the successful
film on climate change An Inconvenient
Truth, has once again indicted the US democratic process in a way few
other tackled politicians have dared do..
Gore told the BBC’s
Andrew Marr show : "It can be fixed, but we need to recognise that our
democracy has been hacked … It has been taken over … and is being
operated for purposes other than those for which it was intended."
Previously, he used the term “hollowed out” in pointing out
that the democratic process was effectively a shell whose content was dominated
by money interests. In his BBC interview Gore said government decision-making
was "feeble, dysfunctional and servile" to corporate interests.
In another media appearances associated with his book The Future, he said: “Congress is
incapable of passing any reforms unless they first get permission from the
powerful special interests that are most affected by the proposal.” But that’s
not new or news.
When he was vice-president to Bill Clinton, the
administration had a chance to stand up to money. But it didn’t. Who can forget
the way the White House caved in to the big insurance companies and
pharmaceutical corporations when it tried to legislate a comprehensive health
care plan in 1993?
Or how during the eight years of the Clinton presidency, financial deregulation
took off.
As Time
magazine noted: "Among his [Clinton ’s] biggest
strokes of free-wheeling capitalism was the Gramm-Leach-Bliley Act, which
repealed the Glass-Steagall Act, a cornerstone of Depression-era regulation. He
also signed the Commodity Futures Modernization Act, which exempted
credit-default swaps from regulation. In 1995 Clinton loosened housing rules by rewriting
the Community Reinvestment Act, which put added pressure on banks to lend in
low-income neighbourhoods.”
So when Gore says that the role of money has “greatly
increased”, he ought to take some political responsibility for that. But he
can’t and he won’t because, in the end, he is unable/unwilling to identify the
root cause of this and other issues.
On climate change, for example, Gore will talk about human
activity but not about the incessant, profit-driven drive for growth, which is
not surprising as he himself is extremely rich. His new book identifies what he
considers are the emerging forces
that are shaping the world.
While they include “unsustainable” population growth
(joining hands here with David Attenborough) you won’t be surprised to find
that capitalism as a social system doesn’t get a look in.
He wants the role of money to be “diminished” and a
grassroots movement “to demand that politics be opened up”. Gore hopes that individuals
empowered by the new communications infrastructure “will be able to reclaim
their birthrights as free citizens and redeem the promise of representative
democracy."
This is a highly improbable agenda. Firstly, real change
doesn’t happen because a load of people get blogging or use Facebook. In the
end, they have to be out there in numbers, acting collectively in the material
world as shown in the Arab Spring.
Secondly, the American revolution that threw off British
colonial rule established the world’s first representative democracy with a
purpose. One of the aims of James Madison, the father of the constitution, was to
keep power within the hands of the political class and out of the hands of
ordinary citizens.
After the Civil War had freed the slaves and created the
conditions (and a workforce) fit for the development of a ruthless American capitalism,
it wasn’t long before money had subsumed politics. The recent period of
corporate-driven globalisation completed the process.
With due respects to Gore, the revolution in communications
will have to be accompanied by a new American Revolution that goes beyond representative
democracy. It will have to have as its goal the government of the people, by the
people, for the people that Lincoln promised at Gettysburg
in 1863.
Paul Feldman
Communications editor
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